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"A critical positionality called sitpoint theory , a neologism I can offer that interrogates the ableist assumptions underlying the notion of standpoint theory (Harstock 1983)", Rosemarie Garland-Thomson (2002), "Integrating Disability, Transforming Feminist Theory", NWSA Journal, 14(3): 1-32.

"Following the Thatcherite purge of British sociology departments in the 1980s, a number of influential radical sociologists moved into management departments and business schools (Grey and Willmott 2005). Thatcher's class offensive had the humorous and unintentional consequence of putting Karl Marx on the business education curriculum, usually under the innocuous guise of 'organization behaviour'''. Peter Fleming and Matteo Mandarini (2011), "Towards a Workers' Society? New Perspectives on Work and Emancipation" in Alvesson, Mats; Bridgman, Todd and Willmott, Hugh (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Critical Management Studies, Oxford, Oxford University Press: 328-344.

Charles Michel, ce grand intellectuel visionnaire épris d'égalité (hum): "Au cours des années 1990, la question de l'égalité hommes-femmes en politique passe, dans le chef des hommes politiques, du statut d'enjeu politique à celui de contrainte externe s'imposant au-delà de la volonté des dirigeants de sexe masculin. [...] 'Je pense que c'est un débat où il y a, sans être caricatural, une sorte de terrorisme intellectuel . Il est extrêmement difficile d'exprimer une opinion contraire par rapport à un mouvement qui fait une espèce de surenchère' (Charles Michel, interrogé à Bruxelles le 31 août 2005)'' (Pilet et Fiers 2008: 787). Le féminisme, ce "terrorisme intellectuel" (hum). Hé Charles, attends encore dix ans (entre 2005 et les attentats de 2016), tu seras confronté au vrai terrorisme et tu verras alors la différence, mon coco.

"Le recours aux vertus politiques ''féminines'' permet d'évacuer de la revendication paritaire toute dimension conflictuelle: l'accent mis sur l'apport spécifique des femmes à la vie politique et leur complémentarité objective avec les hommes conduit à une euphémisation des rapports de pouvoir entre les sexes, présentés comme d'éternels partenaires. En somme, les revendications féministes ont d'autant plus de chances d'être intégrées à l'agenda politique institutionnel qu'elles auront été dépouillées de leur caractère agonistique". Laure Bereni et Eléonore Lépinard (2004), " ''Les femmes ne sont pas une catégorie''. Les stratégies de légitimation de la parité en France" in Revue française de science politique, vol. 54, n°1: 71-98.

"While men and women do not differ in the frequency with which they experience anger, women experience more intense anger than men, and once angered, women are more likely to talk about their anger whereas men are more likely to use substances (Schieman, 2006; Simon &Lively, 2010). Simon and Lively (2010) argued that the more intense and persistent anger of women compared to men may contribute to women’s high rate of depression . Examining a national sample of respondents, they found an association between intense and persistent anger and greater depression for  women." Jan E. Stets (2012), "Current Emotion Research in Sociology: Advances in the Discipline", Emotion Review , 4(3): 330.

"Deference - or the capacity to place oneself in a 'one down' position vis-à-vis others - is a characteristic demanded of all those in disadvantaged structural positions, including women, racial-ethnic minorities, and others in subordinate structural statuses. When deference is made a job requirement, members of structurally disadvantaged groups are likely to be overrepresented in such jobs or even be seen as better suited for the work than members of more advantaged groups." Amy S. Wharton (2009), "The Sociology of Emotional Labor", The Annual Review of Sociology, 36: 147-165.

"While the gay and lesbian liberation movements of the 1970s still aimed for  radical social and cultural change , the 1980s saw a modelling of queer diversity along the lines of an ethnicized, multicultural politics of recognition (Taylor 1992). [...] It has been argued that neoliberal politics have taken central concerns of sexual politics inspired by the civil rights era such as freedom and liberation and remapped them in terms of privacy, consumption and domestic bliss (Gluckman and Reed 21997; Duggan 2003; Richardson 2004, 2005; Katz 2005; Weiss 2008; Engel 2009). The fight for equality has by now taken centre stage for mainstream LGBT organizations in North America and Western Europe, the argument being that gays and lesbians are, and need to be recognized as, responsible citizens like any (heterosexual) other. [...]  When in 1997, organizers of the main gay pride parade [...] [in Berlin] started to demand fees for participating floats, rebel protesters were relegat